For an assessment and comparison of nonsouthern lynching and lynching that is southern see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.
For the view that the western had not been particularly violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (nyc, 1968).
For the characterization of the debate a few years later on, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but utilizing the assertion that frontier mayhem ended up being overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (nyc, 1978). When it comes to argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence from the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation associated with the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and local particularity, see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching into the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, in addition to ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, plus the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). For a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci, The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998). For the example of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana when you look at the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a great Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and customs when you look at the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching while the Privileges of Race within the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly just just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For a current interpretation of racial physical violence when you look at the Reconstruction Southern www.stripchat.com, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, as well as the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of slave and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans within the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a artificial remedy for lynching in US history which includes conversation for the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the usa. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially for the regions outside of the Southern, as well as on techniques for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: Recent Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence into the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting lynchings that are american.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical physical violence in a international context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. In the community that is norwegian collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their household in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other kinds of collective physical physical physical violence in structural terms across international countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a worldwide Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
For the argument that U.S. Lynching when you look at the long nineteenth century paralleled respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 88–91. This isn’t to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical violence among these particular countries. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and Society, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: means of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years over the diverse areas of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I’m grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, as well as an anonymous reviewer for their remarks on an early on form of this essay.